As
Nigerians eagerly expect the government to bring about the much needed
change they need, Sonala Olumhense has explained why that change may not
be here anytime soon.
President Muhammadu Buhari
I extend to President Muhammadu Buhari, my warmest sympathies on his sick bed.
It is a measure of the fragility of our democracy that an elected
president insists on hiding his frailty from the people who are
compelled to pay for his treatment abroad. There is no hiding place in
the constitution.
Nonetheless, President Buhari is scheduled to return to Nigeria
tomorrow. He will be welcomed with at least one Lagos street protest
that the police are trying to muzzle. That would be another
self-inflicted injury, and I urge Acting President Yemi Osinbajo to tell
them to back off and go pursue Lagos’ many criminals.
I reiterate that it is a shame and an embarrassment that despite
Mr. Buhari’s promises and posturing for many years, he sees no irony in
running off to the United Kingdom for his medical needs, leaving behind
the nation’s most expensive (and presumably best-equipped)
publicly-funded clinic in the presidential palace.
This fact underlines a broader reality. Which is that Buhari’s
much-heralded leadership has become a farce, and his ability to make a
positive impact on Nigeria, a hoax.
I was one of those who pushed for his presidency. At one level was
the mistaken confidence that his age-old claim to being the man
best-prepared to stop Nigeria’s slide into oblivion was true. There was
no way to tell for certain he could deliver, but it was a strong and
persuasive message: give me control and I will take Nigeria back from
her army of leeches, shake them vigorously until there is none left of
the blood they sucked.
His catchy slogan, just 24 months ago, was: “If we don’t kill corruption, corruption will kill Nigeria.”
I was an early buyer even before he found a catchphrase by which
the children could sing in the streets. In 2011, and again in 2015, I
wrote advocacy pieces in which I affirmed that Buhari was “the missing
link,” and “an opportunity.” If he fulfilled 10 percent of his
sloganeering, I hoped, the planting season would have begun.
At the second level, Buhari faced a rival for the presidency in
2011, but more especially at the tipping point in 2015, whose claim to
any credibility was deeply flawed. What seemed to be Buhari’s
superiority of morality and mission was obscured by the nation’s hunger
for change, and there was no means of rejecting Buhari without endorsing
Jonathan.
As it has turned out, every one of us who stepped out of our
comfort zone to support his leadership is not now merely disappointed,
but betrayed. Buhari’s words have proved to be emptier than a basket of
water. Every hope that he would bring enough with him for Nigeria to
build on has drowned in a sea of poor policies, no-policies, and cynical
manipulation.
To think about Buhari since May 2015 is to observe how power
affects individual holders. Sometimes, a man takes office and becomes a
prime instrument for building that nation or that community or that
era. And then sometimes, a king assumes the throne clothed in layers of
gold and the finest linen but only to expose his nakedness. Buhari
appears to be the latter.
Yes, Buhari is ailing now, but in nearly two years in office, it is
not an absence of health that has held him back but an absence of will,
temperament and capacity. The president is not leading with strength,
he is being led by his weakness.
Yes, Buhari promised to cleanse and change Nigeria, but it is
obvious now that he was better in the chase than in the capture. He has
diminished the broad expanse and potential of his office from an empire
to a cave.
To be sure, some progress has been made in fighting Boko Haram, and
allegedly in recovering some sums of money. But given his and his All
Progressives Congress’ (APC) loud bragging, this is but tokenism, and
fear and regret are overtaking the land.
First, there is no holistic, transparent and consistent structure
to the work of the Buhari government beyond the nepotism the president
himself has demonstrated. There is neither clear, strategic thinking
about the issues, nor commitment to the quest for answers.
Buhari says he is fighting corruption, but corruption is thriving
in every measurement that matters. Buhari has done nothing of note to
make anyone wake up in the morning afraid, or respectful, of Buhari.
Sixteen years of the Peoples’ Democratic Party that Buhari
lampooned daily, and yet you can count on the fingers of one hand its
members who are in trouble. There is a ton of stolen funds all over the
place begging to be creatively cornered and plunged into the national
cause, but Buhari’s government would rather beg for foreign loans.
The Naira has collapsed, and there is still no electricity, no
commitment to the rule of law, no foreign investment, no jobs and no
management of what we have: which all mean the same thing.
Yes, there is an armada of excuses, but deception and denial have
become standard for APC, which would rather steal the harvest of other
farmers than start its own farm. Party chairman John Odigie-Oyegun is
going around the country prospecting for prominent
Nigerians—particularly the vilest and most sordid—to defect to the
party.
This is how far APC, the party of “change” and of Buhari, has
deteriorated in two years. But that is too far, and were you to ask the
legions who stood in long lines in the hot sun to vote and those who
spurned hunger to wait until their votes were counted so Buhari could
become president, all he has now earned is a ticket out of Aso Rock, not
back into it.
Yes, Buhari spoke tough and acted tough in his first time around in
office, in 1983-1985, but he would appear to have been standing on the
shoulders of his hard-as-nails deputy, Tunde Idiagbon, God bless his
soul. For himself, Buhari has demonstrated neither mettle nor fettle in
his second coming. He is far more Goodluck Jonathan than Lee Kwan Yew.
Buhari marketed a product he could not manufacture, and APC used
Buhari’s legend to grab power in the center. He has compromised his
own cause by treating it as if it were a private skirmish, perhaps to be
drawn out over two terms of office and fought in the media rather than
in the court of law and the court of personal example, and in which only
the opposition, can remotely be guilty. And he gives economic
management a bad name.
Perhaps then, Buhari’s health challenge is really motion sickness:
he is going around in circles so often he is dizzy and confused.
What next? Unless a miracle has taken place and Buhari returns
from London outfitted with the pacemaker Nigerians had hoped for in
2015, he has proved the era of faith in demi-gods to be over. Younger
Nigerians—if they can refuse to be bought and if they can see beyond
narrow prisons and prisms of ethnicity and geography and religion—must
unite and step forward and into the streets and into politics, and
demand the soul of their country.
There is no answer any day soon, but through arduous—and inevitable—battles, lies the Promised Land.
Written by Sonala Olumhense
sonala.olumhense@gmail.com
Twitter: @SonalaOlumhense
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