A
staunch Buhari supporter and social media expert has analysed Yemi
Osinabjo's recent success during the president's vacation in London.
Buhari & Osinbajo
You could feel the sense of panic when some of the enablers and
voters (of which I am one, having personally and professionally
supported him) of President Muhammadu Buhari heard that the president
was returning to Nigeria last week. The question – uncomfortable,
perhaps unseemly – hung in the air: why was he returning oh?
The joke in the city these days, the one you no doubt have heard if
you have friends and family, is that the president should take all the
time he needs to have the rest he requires, so that the vice president
can continue to do the work and earn the respect he inspires.
Unsaid is the real calculation: Buhari retains credibility with the
populace, the respect (due more to aesthetics than performance) of the
local elite, the goodwill of the international elite and the political
capital that comes from the sheer number of voters from the North. To
this extent, it is useful for him to retain that political capital as
cover for his deputy Yemi Osinbajo to continue the good work that we
have seen since the latter became Acting President.
So his voters, now happy to beat their chest about Osinbajo, are
suddenly worried that the president’s return would lead the country back
to a narrative of mediocrity, and leave them vulnerable again to
charges that they bear responsibility for the state of the nation.
It is understandable, of course. President Buhari’s performance has
been, to put it kindly, so sub-par that it is incredibly difficult for
any thinking person to say that she is “proud” of this presidency.
Why is this even more disappointing? There were many of the
president’s supporters who were realistic enough not to hold out any
hopes of magic – he after all was a vestige of a not-golden era of
Nigerian leadership, at least by participation. But they expected that
at the very least he would keep the ship steady, validating the transfer
of power from one party to another as we continued the journey towards a
more perfect union.
Instead, he has unnecessarily squandered considerable local
goodwill and, even worse, rolled back some of the (economic) progress
made under his unimpressive predecessor.
It is inexcusable that (using 2016 numbers) Gross Domestic Product
has dropped to -0.4 from 2.35 percent when he took office, inflation
grown to 13.9 percent from 8.7 percent, crude oil output dropped from
2.05 million barrels per day to 1.4 million, and the external reserves
declined from $29.1 billion to $27.6 billion.
There is the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee revenue, which
has come down from N409 billion to N299 billion, market capitalisation
dropping from N11.42 trillion to N8.7 trillion, and unemployment numbers
climbing from 24.1 percent to 29.2 percent.
Indeed you can call any local economic growth index and it is the
same story: Business Confidence, Industrial Capacity Utilisation,
Industrial Sector Growth, Aviation Passenger Traffic, Ease of Doing
Business, Agricultural Sector Growth, Real Estate Vacancies, even bad
bank loans!
Fitch Ratings this year revised the outlook on Nigeria from stable,
putting it at ‘B+’, noting that growth at 1.5 percent is well below the
2011-15 annual growth average of 4.8 percent, and predicted “limited
economic recovery” in 2017.
Then there is, of course, the abracadabra with the foreign exchange
rate, the ultimate symbol of the government’s witlessness and steadily
its equivalent of the oil subsidy scam.
In addition to that are the abominable communication failures in
underscoring major security gains, improvements in road infrastructure
and a coherent anti-corruption narrative. Even the mismanagement of the
storytelling around the president’s illness has been a master-class in
ineffectiveness.
There is very little that one can point to with pride.
So, to reclaim their narrative and justify their decision, some of
these supporters have insisted that Osinbajo’s performance is testament
to their smart decision to vote for the All Progressives Congress, and
to trust in the combined political machineries of Buhari, Bola Tinubu,
Rotimi Amaechi and Atiku Abubakar.
That is a credible argument. You don’t just vote a man or woman
after all; you vote a system of people and promises, built, in this
case, on the structure of a viable political party. It is one ticket and
one presidency, and obviously I share the sense of relief as to the
government finally redeeming the huge promises that it made to the
Nigerian people.
But it is important that we do not miss the real point Nigerians made with their votes in 2015.
Whether Osinbajo is doing well or not, whether Buhari eventually
goes down in history for supervising an excellent presidency or not (and
we still have over two years to go), that is beside the real point –
and that point is that Nigerians made the right choice in 2015.
Let that point be repeated: Nigerians made the right choice in 2015.
You see, it is possible to hold two different thoughts in your head
in the same breath, and on this decision, these are the two thoughts:
1. President Buhari has disappointed many of his supporters. 2. But
voting him – and what he represented – was still the right thing to do
in 2015.
It is easy to cop-out under Osinbajo’s goodwill and claim that this
was the genius of the decision all along, but the intellectually honest
point is a more nuanced one.
That point is that, irrespective of what good we see today, no
matter how the decision we made in 2015 has turned out in the short
term, the majority of Nigerian voters had no choice but to make the
decision they made between Goodluck Jonathan, representing the People’s
Democratic Party at the federal level, and Muhammadu Buhari,
representing the APC.
Now here is the deal, and revisionist history cannot invalidate
this point: Buhari was elected crucially and principally as a rejection
of Jonathan. He was received and celebrated as the best and most viable
option to unseat a decrepit ruling party and a feckless leadership, and
our best chance to make a statement that power belongs to the people,
especially the power to punish failure.
The choice for many citizens was clear: one between the certainty
of failure and the possibility of success (which also came with the
possibility of failure). One between a man who had led for five years
and failed conclusively on the big issues of corruption and security,
and the other who has led for one year and whose verdict was, by the
fact of truncation, inconclusive.
The choice was between rewarding ineptitude and having to live with
that choice for another four years, or choosing different and holding
out for hope (and, please, the less said about third party options that
had neither the depth of ideas nor political capacity to win even one
local council, the better). Buhari represented that hope, and his
victory was the best chance at unseating the hegemony that represented
the exact opposite of hope.
His victory reset the balance of power on the side of the people,
and put fear into the hearts of elected leaders everywhere in our
nation.
The Nigerian citizenry instinctively knows this, despite how
unhappy it is at the moment. As a poll at the end of last year by the
Governance Advancement Initiative for Nigeria (GAIN) showed, yes,
Nigerians believe Jonathan handled the economy much better than Buhari,
but they insist he is deeply responsible for this ultimate state of
affairs.
“While 60% of Nigerians held the Buhari government partially or
completely responsible for the recession, 74% believe that the Jonathan
government is to blame,” the report said. “While nearly similar numbers
(28% for PMB vs 25% for GEJ) believed both governments were partially to
blame, more respondents (49% for GEJ vs 32% for PMB) believed that the
Jonathan government was completely to blame for the recession. Those who
argue that the profligacy of the Jonathan government led directly to
Nigeria’s budgetary and economic crisis will take these results as
vindication that Nigerians agree with their point of view.”
Common sense is as common sense does. Actions have consequences,
sowing leads to reaping, nation building is a continuum and we, as a
people, know the points at which the rain began to beat us.
So in justifying their decision to vote for Buhari in 2015,
Nigerians who made that difficult – or for some, excited – choice, have
no need to turn to Osinbajo as a crutch.
Yes, we should be thankful that the ticket that won the election is
finally justifying the mandate it was given. It is possible as some
people say that this is because democracy is not a sprint and it would
take any government a bit of time to find its footing. It is possible
that it is finally the dominance of the efficient Tinubu machinery doing
the magic; it might be that the president’s light-touch,
command-and-control approach to governance has finally been justified,
or it might just be a coincidence of fate, luck and a little
opportunity.
Whatever it is that brought us here, we should be thankful, but we
must not forget the larger idea: As a nation we did the right thing in
2015.
We made a long-term decision to re-order the balance of power,
create an equilibrium between the opposing forces holding our nation’s
fate in their immediate palms, and made clear the barest minimum beyond
which we will not allow our leaders to go, else they are punished.
In the long term, and if we consolidate on those gains in 2019, we will be fine.
We will be just fine.
Written by: Chude Jideonwo - a co-founder and managing partner of RED.
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